The west has a duty to intervene in Syria

The Syrian revolution is a motherless child. The “international community”, so vigorous in its declarations of support for human rights, does nothing to protect it. Assad’s state terrorists have unrestrained freedom to murder, rape and nail-bomb protesters and abuse and castrate children.

To grasp the scale of the barbarism, listen to Hamza Fakher, a pro-democracy activist, who is one of the most reliable sources on the crimes the regime’s news blackout hides. “The repression is so severe that detainees are stacked alive and kicking in shipping containers and disposed off in the middle of the sea,” he told me. “It is so bad that they’ve invented a new way of torture in Aleppo where they heat a metal plate and force a detainee to stand on it until he confesses; imagine all the melting flesh reaching the bone before the detainee falls on the plate. It is so bad that all demonstrators have opted for armed resistance. They know it is about survival now, not about freedom any more. This needs to be highlighted: Syrians are fighting for their lives now, not for freedom.”
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One Comment to “The west has a duty to intervene in Syria”

  1. again, just a quick point of clarification:One thing you want to enagcruoe is people being able to register as supporters of one of the parties, and hence able to vote in the primary, without having to be member/activist of the party as such.Yes, I agree, LO, and that’s what I understand Labor to have done in Victoria. That’s what I’d like to see, or something akin to it.Also, on your last point, Tony Blair became PM with overwhelming support from the members’ component of the electoral college despite being a non-traditional candidate who probably would not have been the first pick of MPs had the previous election by caucus method been in place. I think in debating this we have to take into account that an electoral college system, in the UK, involved raising the number of party members by a large factor, and short-circuited the influence of various party and union bosses. If the mode of selecting candidates and leaders changed, the incentives to become a party member or register as a supporter would also shift, and all this would affect the dynamics and nature of power structures within the party.

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